The member of the European Parliament tasked with leading Romania out of a spiraling political crisis will not back down on the need for more painful austerity.
With the clock ticking toward a make-or-break deadline for winning parliament’s support, Romania’s Prime Minister-designate Eugen Tomac set out his program for government exclusively to POLITICO.
Tomac, an MEP since 2019, promised the state would back the private sector, stop “fighting” entrepreneurs, and deliver economic growth that can produce wealth to share with struggling Romanians.
But while he accepted that many less affluent communities had felt the impact of recent deep cuts to public spending and higher taxes, his predecessor’s program of austerity to reduce the country’s historically high budget deficit must continue.
Tomac is President Nicușor Dan’s nominee to form a new technocratic government after the collapse of Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan’s centrist coalition last month.
Under Romania’s constitution, Tomac has until June 14 to present his cabinet and plans to parliament for approval — and he has already been rejected by Bolojan’s liberal party, the third-largest group in the national assembly.
Two other major parties — the Social Democratic Party, which is parliament’s biggest group, and the liberal Union Save Romania — have not yet announced whether they will back Tomac’s technocratic administration. If Tomac fails to win parliamentary support, Romania will face more uncertainty.
Analysts have warned that a prolonged period of turmoil would put Romania’s economic stability at risk, amid fears of a downgrade from credit rating agencies. And an August deadline for delivering reforms to secure around €11 billion in vital EU funding through Covid recovery measures adds to the pressure for a solution.
At the same time, austerity and political upheaval have fueled the rise of the far-right Alliance for the Union of Romanians party — now leading in national polls.
In a written exchange with POLITICO, Tomac spelled out his mission. The following text has been edited for length and clarity.
POLITICO: How do you plan to reassure financial markets and credit rating agencies about Romania’s economic prospects?
Tomac: By delivering what we say we will deliver on a calendar everyone can verify. The 2026 budget closes at 6.2 percent deficit, down from 7.6 percent in 2025. Romania committed to 5.1 percent in 2027. That trajectory is nonnegotiable. There will be no new taxes on labor or on productive capital. Instead, we will continue rebuilding the spending side.
In parallel, we will restore institutionalized, permanent dialogue with the business community because the erratic fiscal policies after 2022 cost us credibility and we will not repeat it. For agencies, three external anchors matter: The PNRR endgame [EU Covid recovery and resilience plan funding], the SAFE facility [providing the EU’s defense loans program], and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development accession. Hitting those three on time is, frankly, more important to our spreads than any rhetorical commitment I could make in this interview.
How will you keep the social-democratic PSD on your side while enacting fiscal reforms to reduce the budget deficit?
I will work with every pro-European parliamentary force that accepts the budget arithmetic. The honest conversation with the PSD is the same conversation I will have with every other party: There is no room for new fiscal expansion.
This does not mean we forget about vulnerable citizens or pensioners. The few resources we can spare to be fiscally responsible will go in this direction. Less affluent people in Romania have been impacted by the slowing economy, much-needed fiscal discipline and the loss of our competitive edge, together with higher energy prices coming from overlapping external shocks and crises. Their plight will not be at the end of my list. We will find all the possible ways to support them.
At the same time, we need to encourage entrepreneurship and the private sector. That is where wealth is produced, and the more wealth we have the more we can redistribute to the less wealthy.
In terms of fiscal and economic reforms, how will your program be different from that of Bolojan?
On the fiscal trajectory and on the European anchors there is full continuity. The reduction path on the deficit is the same. These are not priorities of Bolojan or Tomac. These are national objectives and priorities for Romania. Markets and partners need that continuity and they will get it.
Where you will see the difference is in emphasis. First, an unambiguously pro-private-sector stance: The state stops fighting entrepreneurs. We will run a permanent institutional consultation with business, publish a public inventory of every authorization required for any commercial activity, and remove the ones that have no purpose.
Second, a much more aggressive push on digital and removing bureaucratic barriers for citizens and entrepreneurs. Third, entrepreneurship is explicitly framed as a rural development tool, not just an urban story. A village with 10 entrepreneurs is a village that lives; a village with none is a village that dies.
My government will also focus on accelerating energy projects, state or public. More energy means cheaper energy. And lastly, we must improve our capital markets. Europe needs to improve its capital markets, and I will make sure Romania plays its role here.
How will you ensure Romania meets the Aug. 31 deadline for key reforms and unlocking EU funds?
Three things will get us there.
First, maximum pressure on contractors and authorities to finish projects by Aug. 31. It will be a hot summer. We cannot afford holidays while Romania is losing money. I will be unforgiving to anyone who does not put in the effort.
Second, nine reform milestones still need to be adopted as primary legislation to make sure not a single euro is lost. Some are politically difficult. I expect parliament to do what the pro-European parties have already committed to and adopt them. If parliament fails to act, my government will use every instrument available to it, including emergency ordinances where the legal framework allows.
Third, I will personally lead any consequential negotiation with the European Commission. My time in the European Parliament and the relationships built there are an asset Romania should use — and I intend to use them.
Do you see the risk that more fiscal restraint enacted by a “technical” administration could increase voters’ distrust in politics and fuel more support for the populist far right?
Yes, the risk is real, and I take it seriously. Fiscal restraint that is perceived as unfair — restraint that touches the citizen first and the privileged last — does feed the extreme. The first job of this government is, therefore, to make sure that the order is reversed. The state pays its fair share before the citizen pays anything new.
There is also a deeper point. Romanian voters are not, in their majority, against Europe or against responsibility. They are exhausted by being told one thing in election campaigns and the opposite the day after. A technical government that says exactly what it will do, in precise calendar terms, and then does it, is the most powerful answer to the cynicism that the populist far right has been feeding on.
If we hit our European anchors and the citizens see, every month, something concrete delivered — a kindergarten opened, a kilometer of motorway inaugurated, an energy voucher arriving on time, a hospital handed over — the political dividend of that delivery is exactly the antibody against extremism.
Will you work with the far-right AUR party if necessary to pass legislation?
I respect the opinion and vote of every Romanian citizen. In a democracy, everyone is free to vote according to their beliefs. However, I will never accept, nor will I understand political parties that act against Romania’s national interest, and AUR has displayed such behavior on multiple occasions.
Do you have any plans to tackle corruption in politics?
I fully share President Nicușor Dan’s view that corruption is a national security risk, and for the first time it is listed as such officially in the National Defense Strategy. Corruption weakens the state and erodes trust between citizens and public institutions. Therefore, strengthening the institutions, transparency in public spending, digitalization of public services, and clear accountability are essential.
Does the state still need to do more to explain to voters what happened in the annulled 2024 presidential election?
I think the facts are clear. A candidate violated Romanian electoral law and benefited from a significant advantage over the other candidates. Of course, citizens have the right to know and understand the reasoning behind major institutional decisions. I believe that the complete report on the annulment of the election, once it is published, will help clarify these issues.
Will you be stepping down as MEP, or will you continue with both roles?
The two positions are incompatible. If confirmed by parliament as prime minister, I will dedicate my full attention and energy to leading the government.
How long do you hope to serve as prime minister?
My focus is not on how long I serve but on delivering results.
What is your biggest obstacle to success as prime minister?
I don’t tend to think in terms of obstacles. I prefer to think in terms of objectives and responsibilities. And I tend to deliver on the commitments I make.
What do you hope to achieve by the end of your term?
A stronger Romania that its own people trust again.
